The very fact that the Istraga.ba portal, which is known as an ISA medium, "deserved" to deal with Vojin Mijatović's initiative for joint action of the pro-Bosnian bloc of parties in RS, and that the same text was transmitted by the Slobodna Bosna and Oslobođenje portals, is to be assumed under the ISA directive, speaks about the importance and seriousness of this SDP idea. The text is titled "Mijatović's initiative to save Dodik and Čović". How frightened the regime guards of these initiatives are, is shown by the author (s) from ISA's analytics department in the title itself, suggesting to readers a repulsive attitude that simply relies on the stabbing demagoguery that SDA ideologues have been feeding their reported masses for decades. Because of that spin, no one serious will deal with the content of the text because they understand the extent to which it is propagandistically intended for the deluded masses, writes The Bosnia Times.
And how much yesterday Bakir Izetbegović, for example, resented the opposition, and especially the leader of the SDP Nermin Nikšić, for only dealing with and fighting against the SDA, while in general as the opposition they do not operate on the territory of RS and Herzegovina, that is against Milorad Dodik and Dragan Čović, tells us a lot. Now that the SDP has expressed its readiness for a joint appearance on the territory of RS, they are considered as "saviours of Dodik and Čović." From who Mijatović saves them? From SDA and Izetbegović, maybe ?! Or maybe from DF and Željko Komšić ?! "Come on, please!"
In fact, regime analysts are not dealing with the idea of a joint appearance of the pro-Bosnian bloc in RS, but with the possible candidacy of Nikšić for a member of the Presidency of B&H, which Mijatović by the way, hinted at as his wish. From that, regime analysts draw the conclusion that Nikšić would defeat Komšić in favor of Čović, just as Mijatović's candidacy would ease Dodik's path in the race for the B&H presidency. This is a false pastoral care for Komšić, who calibrated so much politically that even the late Josip Broz could not improve his image if he rose from the grave. What literally buried Komšić as a charismatic opposition leader, raised Nikšić so much that he became the most dangerous man for the SDA, and even for Izetbegović himself.
So, Komšić did not survive the embrace with Izetbegović, while Niksić's "no" to Izetbegović led him to the front at the table of all pro-Bosnian parties. So, as such, he is a real danger only to Izetbegović and not to the "half-dead" Komšić. And by no means do regime analysts fear Komšić, but only Izetbegović as the enthroned national leader of the Bosniaks. Since Izetbegović's throne of the national leader is so shaky, he is also afraid of a much weaker candidate than Nikšić, such as, for example, Elmedin Konaković. Therefore, the stupid blinded regime analysts in the mentioned pamphlet do not notice that a greater danger lurks for Izetbegović by the tandem of Komšić and Denis Zvizdić, than from Nikšić and Konaković. Because this first tandem will do everything to prevent Izetbegović from running for a member of the Presidency of B&H. But we have to wait, until that topic is updated.
Therefore, we need to go back to Mijatović's initiative on the pro-Bosnian bloc, how realistic it is and how much hope and optimism we should have in it.
First, this is a very desirable idea and comes after the opposition parties from Sarajevo and Banja Luka already had contacts with the same goal of a joint appearance in RS. For now, this acts as a new offensive against the Dodik's regime, which should be supported by important actors of the International Community in Sarajevo.
If we compare Mijatović's initiative to unite the pro-Bosnian bloc in RS with Safet Oručević's initiative which aimed to have the same effects in Mostar, it is formally the same, but essentially completely different concept. Oručević led the regime team headed by Izetbegović, while Mijatović leads the opposition headed by Nikšić. So far, no one has cared who formed a coalition with Izetbegović's SDA. Nikšić was the first to understand that, and that is the secret of his survival as the leader of the SDP, and then of his success as the most serious competitor to Izetbegović himself.
After the failure of the pro-Bosnian bloc in the Mostar elections, Izetbegović tried to literally bring Nikšić into his machine with a new trap, abusing the authority of the village leader Reis Husein Kavazović, who invited Bosniak party leaders to a meeting. As is well known, Nikšić responded, but did not get caught; he refused to sign a joint statement on joint action by Bosniak parties in RS. The mere fact that Reis Kavazović did not invite Predrag Kojović as the leader of Our Party at all, as he had never wanted to receive him before, even though he had asked him to, was a sufficient reason for Nikšić, although he never said so publicly, not to agree to such coalitions. So, the essential difference between Mijatović's initiative for a unified appearance of pro-Bosnian parties in RS and the initiative of Reis Kavazović is that the first called Izetbegović, and the second one did not call Kojović.
No matter how this Mijatović story develops, it has raised Nikšić's rating so much that he can seriously consider his candidacy for a member of the Presidency of B&H tomorrow. And,only a few believed that he would survive the blows that the regime prepared for him as revenge for refusing to accept Izetbegović's outstretched hand, which was even numb to this, and remain as the head of the SDP. And if only someone believed that he would turn the political processes in his favor so much that today, as the leader of the opposition, he plays with white figures, and Izetbegović with black figures.
If, in order to understand his undeniably great political rise, his political profile should be analyzed, we could not notice or point out anything special. But that is why it is very important to emphasize his human character, which really makes him different in relation to all Sarajevo political leaders. Nikšić is too ordinary in relation to all of them. Perhaps Zlatko Lagumdžija was his greatest "teacher" because he realized that he should not be like him; overbearing, too smart, arrogant, and rude, writes The Bosnia Times.